In the silly season of July, the only notable event was the gay march, which was disturbed by violent protesters. The incident led PM Ferenc Gyurcsány to start a so-called Hungarian Charter (Magyar Charta) against intolerance. The Fidesz kept attacking the government from many sides, but without much of an edge; their best attempts came in material issues. On the other hand, the opposition party had to go on the defensive after a statement by its healthcare expert, István Mikola.
In summer, there is usually a silly season in politics: the Parliament is not in session and the politicians take their yearly holidays. This is a time for issues that make minimal or no impact on the political environment. However, in recent years, this less intensive period was often considerably shorter than before or failed to come about altogether – as in 2004, due to the fall of former PM Péter Medgyessy. In July 2008, the silly season was back. There was only one important issue in the whole month – the gay march on the 5th, disturbed by an aggressive counter-demonstration –, yet even that occurred independently of the political parties. The MSZP tried to turn the violent events to its advantage, but other than that, the socialists had no decent efforts to influence the agenda. The Fidesz was more active, attacking the government in minor issues, mostly related to the economy. The other parties barely made the news – they could not make use of the silly season, when it is perhaps easier to get on the agenda.
The ratio of government topics has somewhat increased while that of opposition topics has moved the other way, thus after a drawish result in June, the gap between them has grown again (Graph 1). It is interesting to note that the cabinet performed better than its opposition in all three months since the formation of the minority government. However, the actual numbers are far from exceptional, and so is their difference. Both the MSZP and the Fidesz had more appearances than in the previous month, leaving them practically tied (Graph 2). It is generally true that in this parliamentary term, the variances of party results and their monthly differences have been smaller than before. The SZDSZ was unable to repeat its June performance – this time, the liberal party was a marginal presence on the agenda.
In July, the only event that caused a greater stir was the gay march, especially because of the counter-demonstration that took place simultaneously. The 13th Gay Pride March was disrupted by radical protesters, who threw eggs and bottles at the procession, clashed with policemen in charge of security and attacked some of the participating politicians. Party reactions followed the usual choreography, with three focus points: there was talk about the immorality of what happened, the role of the police and what legal changes would be needed to avoid such incidents in the future. As expected, the two big parties put a very different emphasis on these three issues. The MSZP and Ferenc Gyurcsány were more interested in the morals, as fighting extremism – albeit verbally – has recently proven to be a suitable way of rallying otherwise wavering left-wing voters around the party and personally the Prime Minister. The issue is likely to have additional influence on the agenda, as Ferenc Gyurcsány started a so-called Hungarian Charter in order to promote “the rightful national self-defense against extremism and intolerance”, and called for a rally to be held on September 6th (06. 07.). In addition, he met with the top public dignitaries to discuss what could be done to prevent similar violent actions (10. 07.). The MSZP also dealt with the matter of how effective the police were, and there were voices of criticism (22. 07.).
The Fidesz did touch the moral aspect of the events, but its focus was more on the role of the police, a topic that left the cabinet more vulnerable to attacks. The first Fidesz politician to react was Tibor Navracsics, who condemned violence, but pointed out that it is because of the impotence of the minority government that the police were unable to act adequately (06. 07.). Party chairman Viktor Orbán also deemed the issue a police matter, and declared that the Fidesz would not join the Hungarian Charter (08. 07.). The only party that stepped out of its usual role was the SZDSZ, which did not completely side with the Prime Minister this time. Liberal politician Gábor Horn told the press that he did not agree with either the Charter or the rally in September, while Gábor Fodor, leader of the free democrats, warned that his party would only participate in case the programme was devoid of party politics (08. 07.). Such reserve is all the more interesting as one of Ferenc Gyurcsány’s motives for coming up with his initiative was probably to improve relations with the SZDSZ – it is no coincidence that its name reminds of the Democratic Charter (Demokratikus Charta), which, in 1991, first brought the two parties together (against the conservative Antall government).
In June, the Fidesz was the more active of the two big parties. Like in the previous month, the largest opposition force has launched attacks in several minor issues, targeting the government’s honesty. However, the main charge came again on the economic front: Viktor Orbán and economic expert Mihály Varga brought in a bill to decrease the VAT of district heat and some food products (02. 07.). This, together with a couple of similar proposals, was dismissed by the government on the grounds of insufficient funds. In this manner, the opposition party could represent the more popular viewpoint, whereas the cabinet was forced on the defensive. It was also claimed that the government has ‘brutally’ increased gas prices (01. 07.), and that additional tax increases are to be expected (25. 07.). The debate has certainly been more advantageous for the Fidesz, although it is unlikely to make a real impact, as it did not become a central element of the agenda. On the other hand, the opposition party had to endure embarrassing moments because of its healthcare expert. István Mikola paid a visit to the hospital of Kishunhalas, an institution run by a much-maligned private company, together with MSZP politician Mihály Kökény (12. 07.). There, he refused to condemn private investment in healthcare, even though it is his party’s official position. His statement – besides upsetting fellow Fidesz politicians - left the socialists with an easy target, and they were quick indeed to highlight the obvious contradiction (14. 07.). This case has again shed light on the fact that there are too many unknowns about what exactly the Fidesz represents, and the resulting guesswork is sometimes harmful to the party.
Graph 3 shows – in addition to the two party chairs – the opposition politicians (Péter Szíjjártó, János Fónagy, Tibor Navracsics) who have attacked the government and their socialist colleagues (János Veres, Bernadett Budai, Gordon Bajnai, Ildikó Lendvai) who have defended it. István Gaskó is also on the list, after leading a “successful, but fruitless” railway strike, and so is Erika Szűcs, the recently appointed Minister of Social Affairs and Labour. She spoke about the necessity of transforming the system of social allowances, as the inconveniences of the present practice had received considerable attention in June (30. 06. and 13. 07.). The list also reveals that Gábor Fodor has virtually disappeared from the agenda, meaning that he could not make the most of the intensified interest triggered by his election last month. In July, Viktor Orbán was slightly more active than Ferenc Gyurcsány, as he surpassed his average performance, while the Prime Minister stayed below his (Graph 4). The opposition leader delivered his traditional yearly speech in Tusnádfürdő (Transylvania), but this time, he was less belligerent towards the Left as previously (18. 07.).
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